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SPEECH 


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t 


MR. GEO. ASHMUN, OF MASS., 


ON 


THE MEXICAN WAR. 


Delivered in the House of Representatives of the U. S., Feb. 4 , 1847 . 


WASHINGTON. 

J. & G. S. GIDEON, PRINTERS. 

1847 . 




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SPEECH. 


The House being in Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union on the Civil 
and Diplomatic Appropriation Bill— 

Mr. ASHMUN said : 

Mr. Chairman: I desire to give, somewhat at large, my views of public affairs, 
so far as they are directly connected with the war. 

The field is an extensive one, and full of tempting topics; but in the brief space 
of an hour, little more than a hurried examination can be given to the most import¬ 
ant and interesting. There is some difficulty in the selection. There is an n- 
herent difficulty growing out of the fact that almost every interest of the people, 
and the Government, is deeply and intensely touched by this war; and besides, 
we are told from high quarters, and low, that this is not the proper time to dis¬ 
cuss the propriety of the measures of the Government, lest we expose to the 
world its weakness! We are told, also, that we must not agitate the momentous 
subject of the extension of slavery, because it brings distraction into our councils; 
and only yesterday, a Democratic member from Indiana, (Mr. Henley,) in his 
plain and direct manner, gave the Democratic flock a homily upon their duty in 
this latter respect. While surveying the power and prospects of the Democratic 
party, he saw but one ominous sign in his horizon, and that was the discussion 
of slavery. If that could be hushed, Democracy would be harmonious and tri¬ 
umphant. “ The slavery question (says he) is the only one that can shake the 
Democratic party. It is on that rock alone that we are in danger of being 
wrecked .” 

And we are urged, and Democrats are commanded, not to agitate it. I desire 
more particularly to notice this remark at this moment, and give it a greater 
prominence, because, in connection with a mighty effort which is now on foot to 
stave off all action upon the famous Wilmot proviso, and coming, as it does, from 
a free State Democrat, it demands universal attention. It is importanfin another 
respect. It shows, what a large portion of the people of the free States have 
long been accustomed to believe, that northern Democracy is, to a great extent, 
the true and instinctive ally of the interests of slavery. Mr. Calhoun, a southern 
Democrat, once said that the Democratic party was kept together by the cohesive 
power of public patronage—plunder. And a northern Democrat now tells us that 
the party will fall to pieces if they agitate the subject of slavery. The cohesive 
power even of public patronage will not be enough to save the party from reme¬ 
diless ruin, if they venture to think, talk, or act, upon the subject of slavery! 

[[Mr. Henley here said, that he did not mean that the Democratic party was 
in danger of splitting on that rock, but that the Whigs had prophesied such a 
result.^ 

Well, sir, I accept the explanation, although it was not made yesterday in my 
hearing. But surely the gentleman in the most solemn tones warned his party 
against the danger that was thus prophesied. And not that gentleman alone, but 
the official paper, with its daily alternate coaxing and denunciation, has been striv¬ 
ing to hush the storm that thus threatens to wreck the party. But notwithstand¬ 
ing all these attempts to stifle free discussion of the war, and its consequences, 
including the extension of slavery as an element of political power, I shall ven¬ 
ture to speak freely and plainly. The people expect this discussion from their 
Representatives, and it is not only our right, but our duty, to engage in it. 

Before proceeding to the particular questions which the occasion suggests, I 


4 


ask attention, for a moment, to the contrast which the present condition of the 
country presents, to that which existed when the present Democratic Adminis¬ 
tration came into power. Less than two years have elapsed, and what a change! 
Upon the first meeting of Congress after the advent of Mr. Polk to power, we 
found the nation happy and prosperous; our public Treasury was overflowing, 
our public debt had been extinguished, and peace was on all our borders. Under 
a system of protection, sanctioned by time, and by the wisdom of all preceding 
administrations, the interests of labor thrived, and there yv as nothing but the fear 
of the future to mar the picture. That futuie has indeed brought a melancholy 
change! We now are plunged in a foreign war, of which no man can calculate 
the expenses, or see the end, or predict the consequences; the system of pro¬ 
tection of American labor has been stricken down, and we have an abyss of na¬ 
tional debt which even the Chairman of Ways and Means cannot fathom; our 
Treasury is bankrupt, and the Executive has been compelled to ask Congress to 
give him power to borrow Twenty-eight millions of dollars! We have an 
army of thirty thousand of our countrymen waging a war of conquest on a 
foreign soil, wasting rapidly away by the sword, and by pestilence, ^fhis is our 
present condition, and this is the result of two years’ working of a Democratic 
Administration. Such are its first fruits, and I greatly fear that we have little 
that is better to hope for in the two years which are to come. 

Sir, I was one of the number who, at the last session, voted against the war 
bill. The minority of fourteen, with whom 1 then acted, have been freely and 
frequently denounced on this floor, and elsewhere. But, sir, never for a moment 
have I doubted as to the propriety of that vote, or ceased to rejoice that I gave it. 
My action upon that occasion has been submitted to the people whom I repre¬ 
sent, and in the most solemn and emphatic manner they have expressed their ap¬ 
probation of it. And T believe that a great majority of the American people will 
also sustain it. I believe that the majority of them entertain the opinion that 
this war originated in what, to say the least, was the blundering course of the 
Administration, and that it was not demanded by any such imperious necessity 
as could alone justify a war. 

I shall not, at this time, go over any of the ground, which, upon a former occa¬ 
sion was occupied by me. During the last session, in the early history of the 
war, I had an opportunity to speak upon ttie events which immediately preceded 
the breaking out of the flames upon the Rio Grande. The usurpation which had 
marked the conduct of the Executive was then exposed and commented upon. It 
has been extensively discussed by others during the present session, and I shall 
endeavor to avoid repetition. But my purpose is to confine myself to the con¬ 
sideration of three propositions. 

1. That the war in which we are engaged is a direct consequence of the an¬ 
nexation of Texas, and the natural and anticipated fruit of that iniquity. 

2. That the war is waged for the conquest of foreign.territory, as its great 
purpose and end, as has been openly announced by those who profess themselves 
to be the faithful and confidential friendsnf the Executive, in both branches of 
Congress. 

3. That, after the conquest and dismemberment of the Mexican Republic, it is 
designed, as the crowning crime of this course of iniquity, to extend slavery 
oyer the acquired territory, there to exist as an element of political power. 

The annexation of Texas, with all its attendant circumstances, has become 
part of the history of the world. It stands there for the judgment of the present, 
and the future. Of the means by which it was accomplished, and the manner in 
which the deed was done, I do not care now to speak, further than to say,—that 
it is difficult to imagine a more gross and deliberate violation of the plainest 


5 


principles of the Constitution, or a more outrageous invasion of the rights of the 
States of this Union, than was involved in that measure. But it has been done; 
and while I will not cease to denounce the iniquity of the act, I am not disposed 
to withhold from the State of Texas the consideration that is due to a State of 
the Union. All the protection which the forms of the Constitution guarantee, 
will be yielded to her by the General Government. But we cannot forget that 
her advent into the Union has brought with it evils <3f a most momentous and 
alarming character. Among them stands, in bad eminence, this Mexican war. 
When the measure of annexation had been consummated, both policy and duty 
ought to have dictated a course of kindness towards our sister republic. That 
government and people had been irritated by, what they deemed to be, an act of 
great injustice, and their national pride had been wounded in a most sensitive 
point. Instead of a course of blustering and bullying, our Administration should 
have endeavored, by every honorable means, to allay all irritation, and avoid all 
disturbing measures and topics. And yet we have seen that the occasion was seized 
to wake up the recollection of all old causes of complaints which had existed for 
years. It is true that our Government sent a minister to Mexico for the apparent 
purpose of negotiation. So far as that fact alone goes, let the Administration have 
all the credit of it. But when we look at the circumstances of that mission, the 
character of the minister, and the'sending our army and navy to hover upon the 
borders of that country, for the purpose of intimidating it into a compliance with 
his demands, there seems to be but little grace in it. I do not know what the in¬ 
structions to Mr. Slidell were. The President has not seen fit to disclose them, 
but I apprehend that when the veil of secrecy is raised, we shall see in them the 
germ of this California movement. Wise and prudent counsels, and gentle mea¬ 
sures, might, and probably would, have saved us from war. But yet, when 
the Texas annexation was under discussion in Congress, and in the country, 
those who opposed it prophesied that war would follow. And recently, in the 
United States Senate, General Houston, the hero of the Texan revolt, and a man 
who from the beginning was privy to all the steps which finally lead to annexa¬ 
tion, has declared that when we took Texas we knew that we took the war upon 
our hands; that, in fact, we took it by inheritance. It was one of the strong ar¬ 
guments against the annexation, that it would tend to disturb our peaceful rela¬ 
tions with Mexico. Both Whigs and Democrats in the North expressed the 
greatest fears and alarm on this point. In my own State, the Legislature passed 
resolutions nearly, if not quite unanimously, strongly expressive of their hostili¬ 
ty to the measure, and their fear that peace would be broken. One of the reso¬ 
lutions is before me, and is as follows: t 

“ Resolved , That, under no circumstances whatever, can the people of Massachusetts regard the 
proposition to admit Texas into the Union, in any other light than as dangerous to its continu¬ 
ance in peace, in prosperity, and in the enjoyment of those blessings which it is the object of a 
free government to secure.” 

These resolutions were sustained both by the Whigs and the Democrats of the* 
Massachusetts Legislature. The vote was taken by yeas and nays, and not only 
every Whig, but, if my recollection is not at fault, every Democrat, save one, re¬ 
corded his name in favor of them. But, sir, the Baltimore Convention had not 
then met. When that famous assemblage did convene, and decreed that Texas 
must be annexed; when it was declared to the world that the southern institution 
of slavery must be protected by that measure, and that Mr. Polk must be selected 
to carry out those measures, then, almost without a blush, did the Massachusetts 
Democracy face to the right about; and, without so much as a grimace, they 
swallowed the words and principles so solemnly declared in that resolution. The 
Democracy of ^,ie North have^ong been held and esteemed by their southern 
brethren as the natural allies of southern interests, but surely never upon any 






T 


occasion were they more true to their instincts than upon this. The interests of 
slavery demanded the annexation; the Baltimore Convention decreed it, and they 
were obeyed. The opposition to the Texas scheme, and the fear of its conse¬ 
quences, extended also to the Democracy oi other States. I have in my hand 
extracts from several of their leading presses, which time will not permit me to 
read.* It is enough to say ; that almost every where, the same facility of sub¬ 
mission was manifested as in Massachusetts. New Hampshire, almost alone, 
exhibited a disposition among a portion of the party to resist the iniquity; and the 
spirit that still burns there gives hope of a better day lor her. 

These apprehensions were attempted to be quieted by assurances fiom high 
quarters that war would not follow. One of the most remarkable vouchers was 
given on this floor by the person who was then, as he is now, chairman of the 
Committee of Foreign Affairs, (Mr. C. J. Ingersoll.) It was by him that the 
original resolutions for the annexation of Texas were introduced in this House; 
and upon that occasion he made a speech, in which, among other things, he la¬ 
bored to quiet all fears of war. On that day, Feb. 3d, 1845, he said; “ Although 
the public correspondence between the two North American republics has be- 


*The following are some of the extracts: 

From the Nashau Gazette , .Aor. 1G, 1843. 

The evils that will be entailed upon the North by the admission of Texas into the Union, are 
incalculable, great, vast—beyond all human calculation. 

The object and design throughout is black as ink—as bitter as hell. No other reason on earth 
can be assigned for this southern movement than a determination to perpetuate that accursed in¬ 
stitution, which, as a matter of compromise, was acceded to by the North at the time of the adop¬ 
tion of the articles of confederation. If the South persist in forcing Texas upon us, the result is 
evident to all. The consequences are multifarious—to say nothing of their ruin. May Provi¬ 
dence avert this calamity, and save our Republic from disunion, misery, and destruction. 

From the Portsmouth (N. H.) Mercury, in Fall of 1843. 

[These extracts we copy from Isaac Hill’s paper.] 

It is a matter of deep regret that our southern friends intend to agitate, in the next Congress, 
the question of the annexation of Texas to our Union. It is understood that this is a favorite 
project with Mr. Calhoun. But as its accomplishment might prove fatal to our free institutions, 
it will be a solemn duty of the northern Democracy to oppose it. 

From the Democratic Review , April, 1843. 

Nor ought the annexation to be made without the consent of Mexico, on her recognition of her 
successfully revolted province. We must avoid even the appearance of evil. It is not enough 
that we may be abundantly certain that Mexico can never again even hope to shake the indepen¬ 
dence of Texas. The nominal, theoretical right, is still asserted, which we cannot disregard 
without incurring a just liability to a declaration of war by Mexico. 

From the Boston Post, Nov., 1843. 

The Atlas is beating the air about the admission of Texas into the Union. The cabinet at- 
Washington, and all the folks this way, are opposed to such a measure. Mr. Preston, Mr. 
Wise, arid a few opposition members of Congress are in favor of it; but they have not strength 
enough to do any harm. 

From the Albany Argus, May 11, 1844. 

The Washington Spectator, Mr. Calhoun’s organ, while lauding Com. Stewart’s letter in favor 
of the immediate annexation of Texas, alludes to the probability of a war with Mexico in atone 
of levity, if not of joy! It would be well for such politicians to remember, that war is not as po¬ 
pular as in former times. People begin to reflect and compare its results, before they plunge in¬ 
to its miseries. It is perceived that wars, undertaken for the extension of dominion, exalt the 
leaders arid managers, while they crush and impoverish the masses. The trappings of the war- 
horse, and the glitter of armed legions, tickle the fancy and please the eye, but the people see that 
they place a leaden weight upon the hand of honest labor. It is for this reason, that true states¬ 
men regard wars, undertaken for such selfish purposes, as one of the greatest evils that can afflict 
a country. 

From the N. If. Patriot , May , 1844. 

Slavery and the defence of slavery form the controlling considerations urged in favor of the 
treaty [of annexation] by those who have been engaged in its negotiation. To these doctrines 
we can never subscribe, and whenever they arc offensively urged upon the free States, they de¬ 
serve to be pointedly rebuked. 



7 


come angry, I am happy to be authorized to assure this House, that those best 
acquainted with the true state of things apprehend little or no danger of war. 
The main sinew of war, money , will heal the breach, and end the controversy 
amicably. It affords me great satisfaction to be authorized to state, that hostili¬ 
ties are not probable with Mexico.” 

Here, it is to be observed, is a person speaking by authority, and how great 
that authority is, we can in some measure comprehend, when we remember that 
a few days since he announced to ns that he was' the adviser of the President, in 
relation to the movement of the army; that he was the author of the war preamble; 
and from his position as chairman of Foreign Affairs, he may be well supposed 
to express the views of the President upon this floor. He was “ authorized 
mark the phrase,—to assure the country that money would settle all difficulties! 
And in this manner the people were lulled into the delusion that peace would, 
continue,—and in that hope Texas was admitted. How bitterly has that hope 
been destroyed! War has come, but the false prophecy and assurance stands on 
the reqord. 

One of the principal immediate causes of the war was the question of boundary 
between Texas and Mexico. The admission of Texas into the Union brought 
that controversy upon our hands, and it was the attempt of the President to settle 
that question by the power of the sword that lighted up the fires. Upon that 
question, also, in the early stages of the annexation movement, the Whigs of the 
country felt and expressed apprehension; and upon that, in like manner, did we 
have similar oracular and authoritative statements, calculated to quiet our fears. 
Mr. Benton, who was the great leader in the Senate, and the same chairman of 
Foreign Affairs in the House, made formal and solemn declarations in their places, 
that the boundary was the great desert between the Nueces and the Rio Grande. 
Mr. Benton, in his speech.of May 16th, 1844, denounced the attempt to claim 
the Rio Grande as a boundary in the most indignant terms, and offered the fol¬ 
lowing resolution, as expressive of his sense of the outrage: 

“ Resolved, That the incorporation of the left bank of the Rio del Norte into 
the American Union, by virtue of a treaty with Texas, comprehending as the 
said incorporation would do, a part of the Mexican departments of New Mexico, 
Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Tamaulipas, would be an act of direct aggression on 
Mexico, for all the consequences of which the United States would stand respon¬ 
sible.” 

And Mr. B. also proceeded to demonstrate these four propositions in relation 
to it, viz: 

“1. That the ratification of the treaty would be, of itself, war between the 
United States and Mexico. 

“ 2. That it would be an unjust war. 

“ 3. That it would be war unconditionally made. 

“ 4. That it would be war upon a weak and groundless pretext.” 

These are Mr. Benton’s own words; and how marvellously they resemble those 
which, now that war has come, we are in the habit of using concerning it! The 
war has grown out of this very question of boundary, and yet the distinguished 
gentleman, who uttered these most just and righteous sentiments, is the person 
whom Mr. Polk has selected to be Lieutenant General of the armies that are to 
wage it. 

Again, on June 10, 1844, when Mr. Benton introduced his bill for the annex¬ 
ation of Texas, he spoke as follows:. 

“ The desert prairie to the west of the Rio Nueces (Walnut river) is the boun¬ 
dary pointed out by the finger of nature, agreed upon by eminent statesmen as 


8 


proper for ourselves, aud written down in the book of fate and the law of nature, 
as the true and permanent boundary between th6 two first powers of the new 
world. The Rio Grande is a Mexican river by position and possession, and to 
the Mexicans may it forever belong 1 !” 

Nothing, surely, could be more clear and emphatic, unless, perhaps, thestate- 
ment of the same position by the chairman of Foreign Affairs in this House. On 
the 3d of February, 1845, he introduced liis resolutions, and spoke in explana¬ 
tion of them; and, on the subject-of the boundary, said: 

4t The stupendous deserts between the Nueces and the Bravo rivers are the 
natural boundaries between the Anglo Saxon and the Mauritanian races. There 
ends the valley of the west. There Mexico begins. Thence, beyond the Bravo, 
begins the Moorish people, and their Indian associates, to whom Mexico proper¬ 
ly belongs; who should not cross that vast desert if they could, as we, on our 
side, too, ought to stop there, because interminable conflicts must ensue our go¬ 
ing south, or their coming north, of that gigantic boundary. While peace is 
cherished , that boundary will be sacred. Not till the spirit of conquest rages , 
will the people on either side molest or mix with eaehother; and whenever they 
do, one or the other races must be conquered, if not extinguished.” 

Here, Mr. Chairman, we see again an official declaration of this boundary 
made to quiet all fear that our relations with Mexico would be disturbed by claim¬ 
ing to the Rio Grande! And we see, also, the spirit of prophecy proclaiming, 
in tones of solemn warning, that while peace is cherished, the desert will be held 
sacred as the boundary! that not till the spirit of conquest rages will the people 
on either side of it molest or mix with each other! Sir, it is because peace is no 
longer cherished, that the boundary is not held sacred. It is because the barba¬ 
rous spirit of conquest does rage, that those who are now in power have sent our 
armies across that desert to gratify the burning lust of acquisition and dominion! 
Yes, sir, if the spirit that animated this declaration, could still have controlled 
the councils of the President, we should now be in the enjoyment of peace. But 
mark how the lapse of a few months brings with it a change of opinions to suit 
the changing purposes of party and of men. We were called upon, a few days 
since, by this same chairman, to print some extra copies of a report, made at the 
last session by him, on the subject of the Mexican war. It had fallen dead upon 
the attention of the country, but, by the vote to print, it was elevated to a degree 
of distinction which alone entitles it to attention; and I accordingly have run 
through its voluminous pages. And I was not surprised to find a paragraph upon 
this subject of boundary, so entirely contradictory of every thing contained in the 
above extract, that it is worthy of being collated and contrasted. It is on the 44th 
page, and is as follows: 

“ President Polk had no constitutional right to stop short of the Bravo; and, 
in truth, the province of Texas extended to that river by territorial configuration, 
which nature itself has rendered the limitary demarcation of that region.” 

If any explanation is demanded of the palpable inconsistency between these 
two official expositions by the same person, of the natural and legal boundary, I 
can only say, that, one was made before the annexation of Texas, to induce us to 
believe there would be no war; and the other is made after war has actually come, 
for the purpose of justifying it. It is one of the many proofs of the facile change 
of partizan positions, where there is no principle to control them. 

It was, then, this question of boundary which Texas brought with her, and the 
attempt to settle it by the sword, that involved us in this war. As to the histo¬ 
rical and geographical view of the boundary question, I have no time now to con¬ 
sider it. Much argument and evidence has been expended upon it by others, and 


9 


particularly by the gentleman from Maine, (Mr. Severance,) who has preceded 
me this morning. It will all be read and understood by the people. My object 
has been, more particularly, to show that annexation brought war in spite of the 
deceptive and hollow statements and assurances, which Democratic leaders held 
out to pave the way for the admission of Texas. Is there a man in the nation 
who believes that we should now be in war; that thousands of our countrymen 
would now be dead and dying in a foreign land; that our Treasury would be , 
bankrupt, and all the pursuits of peaceful life be disturbed, if, in a fatal hour, the 
opposition to that measure had not been defeated? 

But it is pretended that, independent of all the embarrassing questions growing 
out of the Texas measure, we had strong and sufficient causes of war against 
Mexico; and that, on account of those causes, this war is to be justified. It would 
be enough, without going into an examination of those old difficulties, to answer, 
that they are an after-thought, in this connexion. We did not declare war against 
Mexico on account of ancient grievances. The President, in his war message of 
May 11, 1845, did not ask us to do it. He only asked that we should admit 
that war existed. lie did not call upon us to go to war to avenge those wrongs. 
The act which we passed did not declare any such thing; and when some of the 
Democratic members, more bold than the rest, proposed to engraft such a decla¬ 
ration upon the act, it was promptly voted down. No, sir; war grew out of the 
Texas measure, and the unconstitutional conduct of the President in his attempt 
to settle the disputes between us and Mexico by force of arms, without the sanc¬ 
tion or knowledge of Congress, and at a time, too, when Congress was in session. 

But, sir, I proceed to consider my next proposition, viz., that this war is now 
carried on for the purposes of conquest. We have got Texas by such manage¬ 
ment as the world knows, and now we are, by the terrors and horrors of war, 
pushing on to the bold and forcible dismemberment of the territories of a sister 
republic. One acquisition has given us an appetite for another; the commission 
of one crime is leading us to another of darker dye and deeper guilt. 

In the early days of the War, this intention of conquering for the purpose of- 
acquisition, was not openly avowed. It was charged upon thn Administration, 
but not by them admitted. We all remember that*the first light which broke up¬ 
on the country, clearly demonstrating this plan, was the letter of Mr. Marcy to 
J. D. Stevenson, authorizing an expedition to California. In that document con¬ 
quest and colonization, and subsequent annexation, shone out in clear colors. 
How it came to be published is yet a mystery; for it bears upon its face ample 
evidence that it, and its purposes, were not intended for the public eye, as it 
cautions Mr. Stevenson -against its being publicly known. I will read one ex¬ 
tract. “ It is , however , very desirable (says Mr. Marcy) that it should not be 
publicly known , or proclaimed, that they are to goto any particular place. On 
this point great caution is enjoined What is now openly avowed, was then 
cautiously concealed; and it was not till the last week of the last session, when 
the President sent a message, asking for $2,000,000, that the intentions of the 
Executive flashed upon us. From that time confessions have gradually grown 
into bold avowals; and the war now stands before the world, with our flag flaunt¬ 
ing in the face of mankind, with “ Conquest !” “ Conquest 1 ” emblazoned on 
every fold. Is it necessary to cite evidence upon this point? The movements of 
our troops, the measures and official declarations of the Administration, and the 
speeches of Democratic members of both Houses, all proclaim it. A few selec¬ 
tions from the latter will answer all my present purposes. At the very beginning 
of the session a member from Tennessee, (Mr. Stanton,) who may well be sup¬ 
posed to have the confidence of the Executive, announced to us that the annexa¬ 
tion of California was to “ be the great measure of the age.” At a later stage ot 



10 


the debate, a Democratic gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Bedinger,) with fervor 
expressed his trust in Heaven! in these words: 

“ But there was another question which had called forth much debate. Was 
this to be a war of conquest? He answered, yes; trusting in Heaven, and on the 
valor of their arms, theirs should be a war of conquest—conquests as brilliant as 
those which had already astonished the world—conquests, he trusted, in rapid 
•succession.” 

The chairman of Foreign Affairs in the Senate, (Mr. Sevier,) declared yester¬ 
day, in a speech in his place, that “ns one thought of getting less than New 
Mexico and California .'” 

And the chairman of Foreign Affairs in this House, (Mr. Ingersoll,) has also 
given us his views at two different times on this point. In the report of August 
last, to which 1 have already alluded, and which was made before it was deemed 
to be expedient to admit to the world that conquest was the object, he labored to 
dispel all fear that it was so. On page 51, he says: 

“ The armies and navy of the United States will no doubt be directed and dis¬ 
posed to wage war on the most humane and forbearing principles of civilized hos¬ 
tilities—to make war, not as the means of ambition or for the sake of conquest , 
but as, when all pacific endeavors have been exhausted, and not till then, the on¬ 
ly way to peace. 

“As, in the order of overruling Providence, war has been forccd'upon this 
country, it will make the most of it to disabuse the world of the unfounded and 
unmerited charges against republican government, of incapacity for wars and lust 
of dominion.” 

But, as I remarked before, a lapse of time having made a change of position on 
the part of the Administration necessary, a change of tone on the part of its re¬ 
presentatives on this floor easily follows; and, accordingly, we heard him say a 
few days since— 

“Every body knew—yes, everybody knew that this was to be a war of inva¬ 
sion— a war of territorial conquest * although it was now spoken of in terms of 
condemnation in that respect. But it could not be otherwise than a war of con¬ 
quest. That was the only use that could be made of all the power granted by 
Congress, and by Congress commanded to be employed;” 

I read from the report of his speech in the Union, and ask the attention of the 
House, not so much to the glaring inconsistency which is developed—for that is 
of little consequence"—as to the full disclosure qf the purposes of the war as they 
are now officially declared in this House! Sir, it may, perhaps, be true, that 
“every body knew that this was to be a war of invasion—a war of territorial con¬ 
quest.” I certainly thought so last August, and said so; but at that time we had 
the assurance of the report on the Mexican war, that it was not to be waged for 
the sake of conquest, or the lust of dominion. If any more proof is desired that 
conquest is the purpose, look at the authority given to Commodore Stockton and 
Gen. Kearny, to establish civil governments in New Mexico and California, and 
the manner in which they have executed their orders. Look also at the signifi¬ 
cant fact that, day alter day, during the present session, the Democratic members 
on this floor have been wrangling and quarrelling as to fundamental laws which 
shall be established in the conquered provinces. The motto which our War 
Secretary established for partizan purposes, is now to be applied to Our foreign 
relations. “To the victors belong the spoils,”—and now, even before we can 
safely say that there any spoils to divide, the party which sustains the Adminis¬ 
tration are in almost a state of mutiny as to the terms of distribution! Sir, this 
war may result in the conquest of these provinces, although present appearances 


11 


give no hope of any speedy termination of it. It may terminate in the dismem¬ 
berment of our sister republic, and a partition of her territory. 

But what good to us, if it does? We shall neither gain national wealth, na¬ 
tional strength, nor national honor. We shall gain the seeds of a thousand evils 
—internal jealousy and bickerings—and we shall gain the condemnation and 
shame of the world. History has no blacker page than that which records the 
partition of Poland among the stronger powers around, her. The plea that the 
satety of their “institutions,” the institutions of monarchy which made slaves 
ol the.r-subjects, does not save them. That great crime has an undying fame. 
But, sir, if this plan of the dismemberment of the weak Republic upon out 
southern border is consummated, that crime will find its rival. The plea that 
our domestic “ institutions” demand it, will find no favor, when the judgment 
of all civilized and Christian mankind, present and future, now and forever, comes 
to be made up! 

It is for such a war, leading to such consequences, that we are now, in our 
character as Representatives, called upon to vote supplies. Treasure, and human 
life—millions of dollars and thousands of men—are demanded of us, to be ex¬ 
pended to accomplish such a result. And we are told that, without scruple, 
without complaint, it is our duty to grant this demand. We are told that now, 
after the war has been begun, the Executive is charged with full power over its 
conduct and end, and that our duty, as good patriots, is to yield to his requests, 
and keep silence as to his usurpations. Sir, I hold to no such slavish doctrine. 
I deem it my duty to resist and denounce it, whenever and however attempted to 
be enforced. The Chairman of Foreign Affairs (Mr. Ingersoll) gave us the 
other day the official creed upon this subject in these words, viz : 

“The Autocrat of all the Russias—the Sultan Mahmoud—had.no more sove¬ 
reign power, than that which was now in full exercise, for waging the war with 
Mexico.” 

And he added further, that when the Congress had given the President the 
war-waging power, that “ power was as great as the power of the Autocrat of 
all the Russias, of the Sultan Mahmoud, or of Napoleon, in the utmost culmina¬ 
tion of his authority, and that it was a great mistake to suppose that there was, 
in that respect, any difference between the sovereignty of the European despot 
and that of the United States.” 

I find, also, in the leading Democratic paper ol Baltimore, a sentiment equally 
in violation of every Republican principle : 

From “ The Republican and Argils" January 29. 

“ The Executive and Congress. — It belongs to the Executive to manage the war with Mexico. 
The supreme legislative power declared war to exist, and henceforward it was the duty of the 
Executive to wage the war with all such means as the Constitution and Congress placed at his 
disposal. Wh^i, then, he found these measures inadequate, and applied to Congress for other 
measures, HIS WILL should have been immediately complied with , unless it was plainly in con¬ 
travention of the Constitution.” 

Sir, if that doctrine be true, then, indeed, we are but little better off than the 
serfs of Russia, and the slaves of the Sultan! and really, and in truth, the Pre¬ 
sident’s Generals in Mexico arc , what the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. 
Rhett) denominated them, his “ satraps.” But I utterly deny, that the spirit 
of our Constitution justifies any such alarming pretension on the part of the 
Executive. Congress, indeed, by declaring war, commits to the President’s 
hands the duty of conducting it; but he must conduct it with the means which 
Congress, in view of all the circumstances, chooses to give him. In judging of the 
amount and nature of those means, Congress has the right, and it is its duty, to 
ook at the end which ought to be accomplished ; to see what the interests, rights. 


12 


slid honor of the country requires should be done. If enough has been done to 
protect our rights, and vindicate our honor, and if the President desires still fur¬ 
ther to prolong the war for personal aggrandizement, or for any other motive, 
must Congress still vote all which he demands ? It is said, that if lie does ex¬ 
ercise his power wrongfully, he may be impeached ; in the idle phrase of the 
day, we may “ hold Itim responsible 1” But we all know that impeachment is 
a farce ; and the impeachment of a President, who has an army at his back, and 
to whom you have given the despotic power of Sultan Mahmoud over the army, 
will hardly have many terrors for him. No, sir ; 1 hold it to be my imperious 
duty to scrutinize every demand for men and money; and, if it appears that they 
are used for unjustifiable ends, I shall not hesitate to resist the requisition. If it 
lie not so, there is no necessity for our voting at all upon the subject. We are 
only to keep the Treasury full, and let the President put in his hand, and help 
himself whenever he sees fit—and—hold him to his responsibility ! The mo¬ 
ment that the right of voting upon the question at all is conceded, then the right 
of judging, and of refusing, upon proper reasons, is admitted to the fullest ex¬ 
tent. It is upon this ground that I have acted thus far, and shall continue to act. 
I see the Executive using, for purposes of conquest, such as have been shown, 
the war-power which has been given him, and I refuse to aid him in carrying 
out those purposes. If the war was one of defence; if—no matter how it be¬ 
gun, however stupendous might be the folly or the crime that brought it upon 
us—if hostile fleets were ravaging our coasts, and an enemy’s army invading 
our towns, I should not hesitate to give all, every thing, that might be called for. 
In such a state of things, every dollar that my constituents could raise would be 
freely offered, and every man on our hills and in our valleys would spring to 
array himself for’the conflict. Life and treasure would be all ready for sacri¬ 
fice at the country’s need. But such is not the case ; and I am determined to 
stand by the declaration that I will give— 

MILLIONS FOR DEFENCE, BUT NOT A CENT FOR CONQUEST! 

Mr. Chairman, the desire to gratify this lust of dominion, which, first indulg¬ 
ed in the acquisition of Texas, well nigh led us into a war for a part of Oregon, 
now beckons on, with an inflamed appetite, to other regions upon the Pacific, 
and threatens not merely to consume the true principles and proper objects of a 
Republican Government, but to make us deaf and insensible to those humane 
considerations which belong to and advance a nation whose pursuits are those of 
peace. War brings in its train not merely loss of treasure, public debt, and de¬ 
struction of human life, but it seems to turn the hearts of those who are engaged 
in it, and urging it on, to stone. A signal illustration of this is to be found in 
the speech of the Chairman of Foreign Affairs, made the other day in deience 
of the war, its authors, and its purposes. I have referred to the same speech 
before, and my only apology for doing it again is, that its author sfpnds here in 
peculiar relations to the Administration, and as the supposed exponent of its 
plans and opinions. He spoke of this war as a fortunate occurrence, which was 
to settle difficulties with which they did not know how to deal before, and adds : 

“ kVar brought them at once to a state of things which he regarded as very 
fortunate; and though they heard a great deal about the misfortunes and ca- 
lamities of ivar, which it ivas very easy to talk about to the delight of all old 
women , yet he would like any one to tell him what these calamities were , for 
he had not yet heard of them.” 

Sir, when this expression was uttered, but few members were listening; but I 
saw then, as I see now, amazement and horror depicted upon their countenances. 
And I ask if there be a man who has a heart within him, who can suppress aa 


13 


involuntary shudder at its repetition now? Upon what times have we fallen, 
when the author of this world-famous war preamble, the confidential adviser of 
the President, comes into this House, as if fresh from the Executive gates, and 
gives voice to so unfeeling a declaration? The misfortunes and calamities of 
war! He has not heard of them! They are tales fit only to delight silly and 
weak old women; tell them not to him! The elevated statesman, who is the 
associate of the President,^has no ear for such fables! 

Brown, Ringgold, Page, Ridgley, Watson, Hamer, and a host of other gallant 
officers, have been suddenly stricken down from life; their country weeps for 
them, funeral processions thread the streets, and cities are wrapt in mourning; but 
he has heard of no misfortune or calamity! Thousands are sleeping, till the last 
trump shall waken them, upon the banks of the ill-fated Rio Grande—that River 
of Death! They were the pride of their country and the beloved of their friends; 
but disease and the sword—war—have strewed their bones on distant sands, 
and strange rivers run red with their blood! But he has heard of no calamity! 

Hearts are breaking all over the land for fathers, brothers, husbands, and sons, 
never more to return! But he has heard of no misfortune! 

Volunteers, who, in the full fruition of life, health, and hope, went at the Pre¬ 
sident’s call, are now in crowds returning, the shadowy remnants of what they 
were! Wounded, wasted,-and worn, they come back from that land of pesti¬ 
lence and war, to drag out a miserable existence, and are welcomed by a sound 
that comes from the Executive portals, “ we have heard of no misfortunes or 
calamities!” Go, tell your tales to delight weak old women ; your Government 
does not hear them! 

Sir, it is told of some of the most heartless warriors that ever set their brazen 
heels upon human life, who were as prodigal of their squadrons as if men were 
but so much corn for the harvest, that even they, in going over their fields of 
battle after a victory, would shed tears at the sights before them. But as night 
comes down upon the scenes of Palo Alto, of Resaca de la Palma, and of Monte¬ 
rey, and the wail of ©ur wounded and dying countrymen goes up to heaven, it 
is only answered by the echo, coming from the capital of the nation, proclaiming 
that their country hears of no calamity! 

And to the many widows throughout the land, who are bending with grief 
over children suddenly made fatherless, with cheeks furrowed by scalding tears, 
with hearts broken, affections crushed, and hopes ruined, and whose homes are 
filled with mourning, lamentation, and wo, our country sends only the insulting 
exclamation,, that it has heard of no calamity! 

Sir, I have heard in this Hall many monstrous declarations, but surely its 
echoes never rung to one of rival barbarity, I stand here to denounce it as un¬ 
worthy the age in which we live, and fit only to belong to a government upon 
whose standard is written—“ Conquest , havoc , and spoil are our gain.” 

I come now to consider my third proposition, viz., that after the conquest has 
been consummated, and Mexico, by the power of war, has yielded us a share of 
her provinces, the purpose is to extend the institutions of, slavery over them* 
there to exist as an element of political power in the Union. This, sir, is a most 
momentous topic, and calls for the exercise of calmness, wisdom, and firmness. It 
is a subject that must be discussed. It ought not to be, and cannot be, avoided* 
so long as this project of increase of territory is agitated. It has already been 
met by some of the gentlemen who represent slave States, in a spirit of 
frankness that shows their willingness to have it settled. The gentleman from 
Alabama, (Mr. Dargan,) and also the one from South Carolina, (Mr. Burt,) who 
first addressed the House upon this topic, while they manifested a firm determi¬ 
nation to stand by, what they deem, the rights and interests of the South, agree 


14 


that now is the time to dispose of a question of so much portent. Procrastina¬ 
tion will only increase the evil, and the difficulties with which it is surrounded. 
But I greatly fear that in this respect we are to be disappointed; and I take this 
opportunity to warn the country, who are looking with deep anxiety upon the 
progress of this matter, that a mighty effort is at this moment making to stave it 
off. The Executive, its organ here, and its lesser organs elsewhere, are all 
working daily and nightly for this purpose. Public signs and private assurances 
leave nothing to doubt upon this point. All the appliances by which the Ad¬ 
ministration usually accomplish their purposes are brought to bear upon mem¬ 
ber,? of this House; the purchasing seductions of Executive patronage, the de¬ 
nunciations of the organ, and the terrors of party proscription, are alternately 
tried, and I fear their influence. We have seen before, in the instance of Texan 
annexation, northern Democracy readily turning a most loud-mouthed opposi¬ 
tion into an equally vociferous support of one southern scheme; and now, al¬ 
though Democratic representatives from the free States have, during the whole 
session, seemed to be almost ready to dissolve the. Union, rather than lose the 
Wilmot proviso, I must be permitted to express great doubts of their future 
course. The cry is, that this subject of slavery must not be agitated, because 
the harmony of the Democratic party is in danger ; and that cry has great po¬ 
tency. In what form this subject is to be evaded I am not quite sure; whether 
by the sudden springing of the previous question, in which so much skill is dis¬ 
played on the other side of the House, when'll is desirable for them to avoid a 
direct vote, or'by declaring the amendment to be out of order, as in the case of 
the Loan bill; but that some similar parliamentary jugglery will be tried there 
is no doubt. But however that may be, and whatever the result of such a ma¬ 
noeuvre may be, it is my duty to speak out the sentiments of the people whom I 
represent on this subject. 

Sir, the people of the North are neither fanatics nor disunionists. They do 
not desire, in any manner, to intermeddle in any question which concerns sim¬ 
ply the internal policy, or the domestic State institutions, of the slave States. I 
speak now not for a class of men, who may be found on both sides of Mason 
and Dixon’s line in equal numbers, who disregard all law, all constitutions ; but 
I speak for the great mass of the people, of all political or religious divisions. 
They are a law and Constitution-loving people ; and while they condemn slavery, 
in whatever form it exists, they know full well that, under our Constitution, they 
have no political power over it, so long as it is kept within the limits of those States 
which choose to tolerate it. It is there, for good or evil, beyond their reach ; 
and although they believe, as I do, that, in the Providence of God—when, and 
how, is veiled in clouds and darkness—the time will come when the chains shall 
drop from every human being in the land ; yet, so long as it exists, except in dis¬ 
tricts and territories over which we exercise exclusive legislation, this Govern¬ 
ment cannot touch it. They are willing and anxious to stand by the Constitu¬ 
tion as it was given to us by our fathers ; and however much they may regret 
some of what are called its compromises, they will stand by it. But when you 
set on foot a series of measures which have for their object and end an exten¬ 
sion of slavery as an element of political powers—when you attempt to bring in 
foreign territory, and give it a slave representation in the Congress of the Union, 
so that the interests of the free States are to be outvoted and overpowered here, 
they would be false to all their duty if they did not resist it at every step. We 
have seen the annexation of Texas planned and set on foot for the avowed pur¬ 
pose of protecting slavery and extending its power, and the powers of the Gen¬ 
eral Government invoked and used to accomplish it. This was openly avowed 
by the Secretary, Mr. Calhoun, who negotiated the treaty of annexation; but, 


15 


from the many passages in the public documents which show this, I will only 
quote a single one from his letter to Mr. Pakenham, in which he says : 

“The measure (annexation treaty) was adopted with the mutual consent, and 
for the mutual and permanent welfare, of the two countries interested. It was 
made necessary in order to preserve domestic institutions, placed under the 
guaranty of their respective .constitutions,.and deemed essential to their safety 
and prosperity.” 

It was also manifested by the author of the Texas resolutions in this House’ 
a Democrat from a free State, (Mr. C. J. Ingersoll.) In the same speech, 
Feb. 3d, 1845, already referred to, he said: “ It is undeniable , however , that 
southern interests , southern frontiers , southern institutions , I mean slavery 
and all , are to be regarded in settling the restoration oj Texas.” 

The people of the free States have seen and felt alt this; they have seen for a halfa 
century the powers of this Government swayed and controlled by the slave poAver, 
and now they have seen thesysiem of protection to free labor destroyed by the votes 
of Texan Senators, whom that measure brought here just in season to give the fatal 
blow—for without their votes thetariffof 1842 eould not have been repealed. With 
slavery, then, as it manifests its power in the operations of the federal Government, 
and as it seeks to extend its grim front beyond the States in which it now exists, the 
people of the free States have some concern, and will endeavor to exercise some 
interference. You now seek to acquire territory to make at least a dozen more 
States ; and think you that they are to fold their arms, and.slumber over the inevi¬ 
table tendency of your measures ? I tell you that they will not do it. They are 
fully Avaked up to the danger of the hour, and wo to that man of their represen¬ 
tatives who is false to his trust and to their expectations. Those who represent 
the southern States openly declare that they expect slavery to exist in any newly 
acquired legion on our southwestern frontier; and the present Administration, 
elected as it was to promote southern views, is laboring to prevent us from 
adopting, at this time, a legislative declaration that slavery shall not exist there. 
Our duty, then, is to make resistance at every step. If we do not succeed at 
this time in fixing upon some bill which must become a law, the proviso exclud¬ 
ing slavery, I fear it will be too late to do it afterwards. I confess that my faith 
in success has, Avithin a few days, been much weakened, and am constrained to 
say, that we must not expect any aid from the supporters of this Administration. 
The President has, with great apparent earnestness, asked us for an appropria¬ 
tion of money to enable him to make peace with Mexico, and bills giving him 
three millions of dollars have been reported in both branches. Under one pre¬ 
text and another, those bills have been delayed, in order to let the war-supply 
measures obtain the precedence. It is upon these bills that the Wilmot proviso 
is expected to be engrafted. But let me make one prophecy. If by any good 
fortune it should be so engrafted, the bill will be allowed by the Democratic 
party to fail! The Administration will not take the millions for peace, if they 
are accompanied by this restriction upon the extension of slavery! 

But, in conclusion, let me say to my southern friends, in all frankness, that 
we of the North want no more territory, whether acquired by purchase or con- 
i quered by war. As you unrol the map of the world, see, see hoAv broadly our 
domain spreads over it now ! The waters of the Atlantic on the east, and of the 
Pacific on the west, alone hold us in their embrace. Our latitudes give us every 
variety of climate, from the burning tropics to the barren and icy regions of the 
northwest; and our rivers, which take their rise in regions of perpetual snows, 
journeying thousands of miles to the ocean, empty themselves in regions of pe- 
, rennial flowers. Millions of acres of soil, unsurpassed in fertility, unoccupied, 





16 


still invite the care of the husbandman; and minerals piled mountain-high stand 
ready to open to the blow of enterprise; white our commerce penetrates every 
corner of the globe where the habitation of man can be found. Our population 
is increasing almost beyond the povVer of calculation ; and we have a Constitution, 
if we will but sustain it, which is adequate to all the high ends of a free Gov¬ 
ernment. What want we more to make us a happy and a glorious nation ? 

Let us put a stop to this war of conquest. Let us starve out this appetite for 
acquisition of territory. Let us take away the temptation that now inflames the 
lust of dominion. Let us shrink back from the stupendous crime of making the 
shores of the Pacific ring to the clank of chains forged by a free people for their 
fellow men! Let us stand by our country as it is. Let us devote ourselves 
to the great pursuits of peace, which alone are the paths of safety for a republic, 
and we may then feel that we have avoided that rock upon which others have 
been wrecked ; and that, although 

O’er three quarters of the groaning globe 

The name of Commonwealth is past and gone, 

the rich inheritance which has come down to us, will be yielded up to those 
who come after, secure and unimpaired ! 



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